Pedestrians walk past a burning barricade in Maputo in December. The writer says While Mozambique grapples with its challenges, the question arises: Could Angola be next in line for similar turmoil? Picture: Amilton Neves/AFP
By Manuel Godsin
MOZAMBIQUE recently inaugurated its new president amid a tense political atmosphere. The event, attended by numerous African leaders, symbolised a moment of change for the nation, but the underlying tensions remain unresolved.
While Mozambique grapples with its challenges, the question arises: Could Angola be next in line for similar turmoil?
Over the years, Angola has consistently ranked among the world’s most corrupt nations. The situation is increasingly volatile, with rising public dissatisfaction and a lack of governmental accountability. The possibility of Angola mirroring Mozambique’s post-electoral unrest cannot be dismissed.
Mozambique’s recent protests stemmed from disputed elections that left the opposition’s supporters feeling disenfranchised. Allegations of fraud and unfair practices fuelled mass demonstrations, which were met with harsh crackdowns, further intensifying public anger.
The unrest is a stark reminder of what can happen when governance fails to address the grievances of its people. Angola, with its own litany of governance issues, might very well find itself on a similar path if reforms are not undertaken.
Angola’s corruption problem has reached staggering proportions. Under President João Lourenço’s leadership, rather than addressing systemic issues, corruption appears to have deepened.
Major corporations and government entities are intertwined, creating an environment where accountability is nearly impossible. Transparency International and other watchdogs have repeatedly flagged Angola for its opaque dealings and lack of anti-corruption measures.
Freedom of speech has also come under attack. New laws signed by Lourenço severely restrict citizens’ ability to express dissent. Critics argue that these measures are designed to silence opposition and consolidate power. Human Rights Watch and other organisations have condemned these moves, calling them a step backwards for democracy.
The recent visit of former US President Joe Biden to Angola was seen by many as an opportunity to pressure the government for reforms. However, the visit yielded no tangible results. Biden’s efforts to promote democratic values were overshadowed by Angola’s entrenched political and economic elites, who continue to operate with impunity.
As Donald Trump returns to the global stage, his policies might exacerbate the situation further, leaving Angola’s fragile democracy on the brink of collapse.
The international community cannot afford to ignore Angola’s precarious state. The merger of corporate interests with government functions has created a breeding ground for corruption and inequality.
Angola’s upcoming elections, scheduled for August 2025, could serve as a tipping point, and the risk of post-electoral unrest akin to Mozambique’s scenario looms large.
In contrast, South Africa provides a hopeful example of what good governance can achieve. By maintaining a clear separation between corporate interests and government authority, South Africa has avoided falling into similar traps. The Government of National Unity (GNU) has been pivotal in safeguarding these principles, ensuring that corruption does not spiral out of control.
Angola’s future remains uncertain. The potential for unrest is high, and the need for reform is urgent. The international community must take proactive steps to support Angola’s democratic institutions and pressure its leaders to uphold transparency and accountability.
Meanwhile, South Africans can take pride in their own governance achievements, but they must remain vigilant to avoid similar pitfalls. Angola’s elections will be a critical moment to watch, and it is imperative that the global community keeps a close eye on developments to prevent another Mozambique-like scenario.
* Dr Manuel Godsin is a writer and researcher at the International Centre for Political and Strategic Studies. He has authored numerous books translated into many languages, including English, French, and Spanish, such as The Crisis of the World and The Conflict of the Wings: The World on the Brink of the Abyss.
** The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of Independent Media and IOL.